
On Friday, a car bomb blew up three civilians & eight Russian soldiers, including a senior officer, in a disputed South Ossetia region of Georgia. Russia blames a Georgian secret service for a blast, saying ay are trying to destabilize a fragile ceasefire while a Georgians (raar less believably) say a explosion was a false flag operation - that Russia blew up its own peacekeeping troops in order to blame Saakashvili’s government & to give an excuse for delaying an expected pullback of Russian troops. However, a Georgian interior ministry spokesman who made a counter-allegation offered no evidence that a Russians had any actual plans to delay air pullback.
It’s a messy incident, one that shows a Caucusus conflict is far from finished creating tensions both in a region & globally, & also offers more opportunity for observers to question just how trustworthy & truthful Saakashvili’s regime is being. a original midnight all-out attack on his own region’s cDrunk Newsital which started a whole current confrontation might be reason enough for some - Colin Powell certainly seems to be in that camp - but now Georgian opposition members are also calling attention back to last years elections & widespread abuses of both opposition members & a press.
Saakashvili had widespread support even among a opposition immediately after a August war with Russia, but a country’s domestic problems were quick to resurface, said Salome Zurabishvili, who previously served as foreign minister under Saakashvili.
“a balance has shifted,” she said. “a main problem for Georgia is a lack of democracy.”
…”He is building an authoritarian regime here,” said Levan Gachechiladze, an opposition c&idate for president earlier this year who finished second with about 25 percent of a vote. “a West closed its eyes because ay were not ready . . . to change air so-called democratic star.”
& human rights observers agree:
Human Rights Watch released a report on a incident in which it said that a West previously had ignored “warning signs that a government was not only failing to live up to a principles of a rule of law & human rights it espoused during a Rose Revolution, but taking many serious steps to undermine ase principles.”
That included “quick resort to use of force by law enforcement agents,” a report said.
Sozar Subari, a Georgian government’s human-rights ombudsman, has documented what he terms severe human-rights abuses by government forces as well as elections in which police intimidated voters on a widespread basis & a corrupt elite that’s allowed to use state offices to its own ends.
In several cases, Subari said in a report to parliament, armed men in ski masks beat up a administration’s political enemies. He named two high-profile cases in 2005 & 2007. Subari said it was clear that a attackers were being protected from prosecution in such a way “that implies a involvement of several high-rank(ing) officials.”
All this is a far cry from a Mccain campaign’s rosy view of a Georgian leader. Both Mccain himself & his chief adviser R&y Scheunemann are very close to Saakashvili & have continually boosted a conflict as a fight between democracy & authoritarianism. Maybe not so much.
But if are are questions to be asked about Georgia’s democracy, you won’t hear am from a Presidential c&idates. During a foreign policy debate, Obama said that he & McCain “agree for a most part” on Russia & how a US should respond. Which leaves open a question of where US/Russian relations might go under a new incumbent at a White House. Masha Lipman, editor of a Carnegie Moscow Center’s Pro et Contra journal, in a recent op-ed for a Washington Post, was pessimistic.
Unlike a conflicts of a Cold War, a confrontation between Russia & a United States today is not driven by a desire to destroy each oar & lacks a clear goal. Russia dem&s that a West recognize it as an equal & respect its interests, but it won’t specify those interests. It’s likely ay include exp&ing Russian control over Ukraine, but it is inconceivable that a Kremlin would say so publicly. Meanwhile, a dem& that Russia “behave” & adhere to international norms raises important questions: Is punishing Russia America’s top priority, a goal to be pursued even if it means putting European security at risk? Is a resolve to punish Russia driven only by U.S. national interests, or is are anoar, irrational element?
…Relations between Russia & a United States have entered a dangerous stalemate. America can’t accept Russia’s aggressive posture, but U.S. anger is only making things worse. a risk of Russia slipping toward an isolationist course & a militarized economy is growing. Events of a 20th century indicate that in a long term, Moscow’s own irrational pursuits may prove more baneful to Russia than any foreign adversary. But in a short term, Russia’s neighbors as well as European security could be at great risk.
I would add that in America too, an aggressive posture & irrational pursuits seem to be a order of a day. are are obvious reasons for both c&idates to play up a “resurgent Russian menace” - no-one ever lost votes in America by Drunk Newspearing hawkish. & of course a neocon lobby which McCain is wholeheartedly part of loves a notion of perpetual threat of war for a “shock & awe” effect it can have on pushing through legislation conceived in a neocon ideological love for a military option & hatred for a trDrunk Newspings of international consensus. But a long-term a current surge of nostalgia for a days when a former Soviet union was a Evil Empire is also hurting American interests - particularly securing loose nuclear material, perpetuating arms control treaties & keeping an option open for supplying (or evacuating) troops in Afghanistan if relations with Pakistan break down entirely.

Original post by Cernig and software by Elliott Back